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Black Pain is in Fashion: Catharsis in Relation to Black Horror

by Samantha Talbot 11/02/2025
written by Samantha Talbot

D.W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation (1915) may as well be considered a Black horror film. While perhaps not in a contemporary sense, the portrayal of newly emancipated slaves both during and after the Civil War—notably by white actors in blackface—as bestial, depraved, coniving threats to the purity of a white nation and the purity of that nation’s white women, as well as the blatant displays of lynching and other violence against the Black characters by white people—usually the Klu Klux Klan—can easily be described as horrific. Of course, in the context of the movie, the monsters were not the racist white mob, but the Black characters, and by extension, Black Americans in real life. With this negative portrayal of race, The Birth of a Nation is widely credited with the revival of the KKK. 

One can only imagine that some white audiences felt a sort of catharsis in seeing a fantasy in which the Black American was the true collective enemy of America, and seeing that enemy get their comeuppance. Griffith was fully aware of this collective fear in the white consciousness at the time, which is why he knew his movie would sell; Griffith was not a confederate-apologist, nor did he have particularly strong stances on race. He instead was capitalizing on Black pain for a white audience.

Similar movies followed in the years following The Birth of a Nation that played on a similar fear of the Black individual—or perhaps the Black collective, as they were often seen as a monolith during this time. One such movie is Merian C. Cooper and Ernest B. Shoedsack’s King Kong (1933). In the words of American columnist Jim Pinkerton, “…for this movie to have been made in 1933 about white people going over to the Third World to capture a large, black being with a flat nose and bring him back in chains was sort of powerful then.” Although King Kong’s focus is not explicitly on representing Black people as egregiously as possible, like the aforementioned The Birth of a Nation, there are clear comparisons between the bestial, depraved, sexual threat to white women that is Kong and how Black people were represented in Griffith’s movie—it is still a large, black ape that is conquered by white colonial powers. The goal might have been to capitalize on audiences’ fascination with exotic, jungle-centered movies at the time, but this subconscious fear of Blackness nonetheless manifested itself in the monster, just as it had done previously. This is not just a coincidence, but a pattern.

Despite there being countless examples of subconscious (as well as conscious) negative portrayals of Black people in horror films, literature, and media, I do believe that it is important to draw the line somewhere, to ensure that we are not attributing all qualities of monsters to inherent Blackness. Some have pointed to works such as Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein as an example of racism in horror, arguing that Victor Frankenstein’s monster has traits associated with Black slaves and indigenous people—a sort of Kong-like character, as in my previous example—with a “horrid” complexion and “black lips.” They also argue that Victor’s fear of his monster is associated with a fear of Black people, since one of the reasons for his fear is that he is no longer able to control a creature that he believed himself to be superior to, both physically and mentally. 

Although one can imagine that the fear of losing control over colonized people and slaves was prominent in the white consciousness at the time, I believe that a deeper understanding of Frankenstein—and by extension, any piece of media we are examining for harmful racial representation—is crucial before we say that any fictional monster is contributing to racism in horror. Shelley portrays the monster as extremely sympathetic, with the latter half of the book containing chapters from the monster’s perspective where he monologues with self-awareness about his nature and the pain that Victor had caused him. It is through the monster’s eyes that it is revealed that he is simply a reflection of Victor himself, the direct consequence of his hubris. Frankenstein’s monster, as a character, is treated with the same respect as Victor himself, rather than as an animalistic enemy that the white protagonists must subdue. And though it isn’t unreasonable to assume that Shelley was inadvertently influenced by the fears of her surrounding society, it’s also important to be intentional with what we are critiquing. If we are to appropriately map the trajectory of anti-Blackness throughout the horror genre, our critique should be centered on more overt examples of anti-Blackness, rather than attributing potential anti-Blackness to an example.

As we move into the 1970s, the movie industry shifts from blatant anti-Blackness in its storytelling, instead attempting to cater to minority audiences (a largely untapped market at this point in time) with the development of blaxploitation films, and later what will be considered the beginnings of Black horror. Blacula (1972), Night of the Living Dead (1968), and other such movies, while cheaply made and specifically created to pander to Black, urban audiences by white studios, still hold a special place in many people’s memories. The movies were fun, and this time, the catharsis spurred on by seeing a Black actor star in a horror film was for Black audiences in particular. It was cathartic to see Duane Jones in Night of the Living Dead valiantly fight his way through zombie hordes, although he was shot by police at the end of the film—must we always meet the same end? However, there was still room for growth, and for Black directors to finally take control of their own narratives.

2017 ushered in Jordan Peele, arguably one of the most influential figures in the Black horror genre. One does not have to speak on the overwhelming success of Get Out (2017), Us (2019), and Nope (2022), all of which artfully combined real Black experiences, social commentary, and classic horror elements into compelling and entertaining narratives. Get Out in particular was monumental in sparking nationwide interest for Black horror, signaling to Hollywood executives that there needed to be more Peele-like films. 

2021 then followed suit with the release of Nia DaCosta’s Candyman, a reboot of the 1992 movie of the same name. However, despite Peele being a co-writer, Candyman was met with mixed reviews, with many of the critiques being about the film’s heavy-handedness in conveying its political message. Themes about gentrification and racial justice are dumped onto audiences through expository dialogue, which begs the question: Who was this movie for? 

Earlier in 2020, Christopher Renz and Gerard Bush’s Antebellum, a story about a Black woman who was kidnapped and enslaved on a mock-plantation in a Civil War reenactment park run by Confederates, begged the same question. Though clearly trying to make a statement on systemic racism and confronting past oppression, the majority of the film consisted of visceral scenes of enslaved Black folks as they are brutalized, tortured, and ridiculed. And with it not being revealed that all of this is part of a reenactment park until the very end of the movie, audiences are left with Black trauma porn for more than an hour of runtime rather than true Black horror. 

The answer is the same for those movies as it was for the movies which came out decades earlier, like The Birth of a Nation: they were made for white audiences. Although Candyman, Antebellum, and other contemporary Black horror films may not contain harmful portrayals of Black people , their content is certainly not for the catharsis of Black audiences. In the words of American author and educator Tanavarie Due, “Black History is Black Horror.” Black people do not need gentrification and racial justice explicitly explained to them, like in Candyman, because they have already lived it by virtue of being Black in America. Black audiences do not experience catharsis from seeing the horrors of slavery—of which they are already well aware—played out on screen with high-quality cameras and lighting. We cross the line between horror and trauma porn when the narrative begins to mirror reality too closely. 

This line is also crossed when horror utilizes Black trauma as a source of education for the benefit of white audiences. Them (2021), an Amazon Original show, follows a Black family and their experiences living in a suburban American town in 1953, where they are subject to extreme racism, along with supernatural hauntings. The show is almost hindered by its inclusion of the supernatural, as in an effort to weave in paranormal activity with very real social issues, the discussion of race relations in suburbia remains largely superficial. It is nothing that Black people do not already know and are not continually aware of—and could be living in right now. Thus, it stands that the only audiences to whom this horror would be novel are white audiences. Black horror, in this context, becomes an educational tool to perhaps evoke sympathy, or maybe remind viewers that things like systemic racism, slavery, and gentrification were bad and continue to be bad well into the twenty-first century. 

Though it’s incredibly important for people—especially Americans—to be educated on the history of their country, these films take away one of the greatest appeals of Jordan Peele’s movies and Black horror as a genre, which was that they were made for Black audiences. In an alternative ending of Get Out, the main character, Chris—played by Daniel Kaluuya—is arrested by a police officer. However, in the current iteration of the film, Chris’s TSA friend, Rod, comes to save him from his horrific situation. Peele said on the matter, “It was very clear that the ending needed to transform into something that gives us a hero, that gives us an escape, gives us a positive feeling when we leave this movie.” Peele understood this need for catharsis, especially for the Black audiences who are meant to be centered in these films. The failure of modern Black horror films is that in trying to bring Black narratives to light, they forget to make the film enjoyable for the people whose narratives they are showcasing. 

One can still have a compelling exploration of race in a horror film without simply expositing horrors that Black people have already witnessed. In this way, not only are people outside of the Black community able to absorb racial themes and lessons, and Black audiences are able to relate and experience catharsis through the characters on screen, but also the film serves as an enjoyable horror movie in its own right. Black horror is at its fullest potential when it is, in earnest, made for Black audiences again.

11/02/2025 0 comments
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News

Violent Recollections: Memorializing Black Life

by Orisha Lamon 10/26/2025
written by Orisha Lamon

They were ruled as suicides. 

Robert Fuller was a 24 year old Black man, from Palmdale California. He was a son, friend, and also brother to the late Terrone Boone who was also a victim of police murder shortly after Fuller’s death. Robert Fuller was found in June of 2020 hanging from a tree in the Palmdale City Square. Fuller’s death occurred during the height of the nationwide Black Lives Matter protests in response to the recorded police murder of George Floyd. Community pressure put the investigation on the map but even with the involvement of the FBI, the Sherrif’s Department remained steadfast in ruling Fuller’s death to be a suicide, shutting down any suggestions of foul play by loosely motioning to Fuller’s history of mental health concerns.

21-year old Demartravion Reed was first in his family to go to college, and was a responsible son and outstanding student. Reed was found lynched September 2025, at Delta State University in Cleveland Mississippi. The Cleveland Police Department, the Coroner’s Office, and DSU president announced that there was no foul play based on the autopsy and investigative reports. According to Afro News, The Black Media Authority, Reed’s mother was notified that he was found deceased in his dormitory, before the school disclosed that he was lynched on the DSU campus.

The intentional lack of investigative power and acknowledgement of Black death not only highlights the longstanding legacy of racial violence, and who falls through the cracks, but of one that sustains the imaginaries of white America.Valuable lives lost to a machinery that functions as it was created to do — to oppress and erase. In a heightened time of political activism ranging from the mobilizations against state sanctioned violence and kidnappings to the genocidal projects occurring in Congo, Sudan, and Palestine, there lays a connection to remembrance and how violence is often justified through state and settler memory.   Bodies begin to pile up, in a system underpinned by the death of Black people, carcerality, and exploitation, and lives are either memorialized through the strength of community or commodified via performative platforming of Black struggle. 

Trey’s site of lyching was just 35 miles away from the site of Emmett Till’s lynching site approximately 70 years ago. Whether or not they are acknowledged by the white world, telling stories of life and remembering them in times of contention allows us to remember in our own ways and resist. It calls us to ask how we define Blackness, as it is racialized and commodified but also antithetical within a world of whiteness. And within this world, there is increased proximity to death and the violence of a system that is informed and sustained off of racial and social differences. 

Regardless of a ruling they were lynched. A violent, inhumane act that in a present day climate is glossed over by state actors that uphold this tradition of violence paired with minimal remorse, no reparation, nor active call to assess and investigate. Lynchings are not just historical forms of violence, they are present and tightly embedded within the mechanisms used to subjugate and attack Black people today. We have come to a point where even the ways in which death is carried out is normalized given that we are witnessing the death of an Black person. To recall, to memorialize, and to continue to live. The systems we interact with in need of safety and care will never fix the underlying issue of global anti-Blackness and racial violence that bleed into our systems of “justice”. To protect one another we must strive to be with the sights of nature and to build and organize community. 

Rest in peace and power Robert Fuller and Darmatravion Reed.

10/26/2025 0 comments
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CommentaryOpiniontechnologyU.S.World

The Consumption of Humanity

by Nicole Crawford 06/02/2025
written by Nicole Crawford

2 december 2024 – 9:49

under capitalism, we are always looking to revolutionize and further consume people, as commodities, within our relationships. always thinking that we should run away from security and stability, thinking that settling into a place, planting roots, is unrealistic and unattainable, impractical. we are trained to consistently seek the next thing, to become inherently unsatisfied and unsatisfactory. 

we are never fully present in love because we are conditioned to assume its end and replacement, we are always predicting loss, that our experiences of one another can only be temporary. we have no incentive to choose one another in this world, to stay, to build and grow, because we expect to be left behind, to be replaced, to lose one another. 

we do not stay within discomfort, we do not transcend it, because the capitalist within us tells us to start anew at all times, this voice, behaving as a parasite to our truest needs in community, tells us that longevity, accountability and commitment to each other and ourselves, to community and restoration, to repair and love, to honor, is temporary and therefore nonexistent. 

the only long term thing we can imagine and believe in (to imagine and believe are incredibly different acts of faith), is our perpetual suffering, inevitable collapse, and misery.

as the masses, we are strangers to love, to a home that is not easily destroyed, to places to which we can return and rest. this existence is a disease. to believe that goodness can only survive outside of where we currently are, that love can only be cultivated, nurtured, and flourish in far away gardens, with flowers foreign to our own soil, is torment. we become a problem to which there is no solution. we begin to find our resolve in lovelessness.

we begin to develop our faith in a certainty that we are anything but chosen, everything outside of the bounds of worthiness, anything but capable of this distant love. 

many of us cannot imagine being known within our misery and despair. we cannot imagine being intentionally held, called by our names, honored as sacred. we have nothing to give but our truth, our rawest, most undeniable forms which cannot be exchanged on the market. we cannot imagine why people would desire to keep us with nothing to sell. we can only understand absence and abandonment. we justify and accept our insignificance and replacement, marking ourselves inevitably disregarded. within the belly of the beast, we look for answers and this is the only plausible reality. 

in the absence of our ancestors, we believe lies. 

06/02/2025 0 comments
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CommentaryOpinion

A New Lens: Afrikan Ways of Knowing in the Amerikkkan Classroom

by Bahji Steele 06/02/2025
written by Bahji Steele

There’s a peculiar kind of tension that settles in your chest when you sit in a room built to inspire ambition—but only for those who were always meant to succeed.

This quarter, I enrolled in my first class toward the entrepreneurship minor with the UCLA Anderson School of Management. As a humanities student, I carry the quiet burden of that ever-present whisper: make yourself marketable, do something that pays, there are no guarantees. It’s a whisper that’s easy to ignore—until the rent is due.

So I sit there—back straight, face blank—as the professor extols the genius of the McDonald’s franchise model. He calls it beautiful. Efficient. Replicable. I grit my teeth as his guest speaker casually diminishes the value of manual labor: “None of the people in this room will have to work blue collar jobs.” Meanwhile, my mind is caught in protest. My Public Affairs training is screaming. I see not beauty but bureaucracy; not genius but the logic of a machine designed to turn people into parts and land into profit.

The professor chuckles at his own misogynistic jokes, flaunting the kind of self-satisfaction only a man rewarded by capitalism can afford. He speaks like someone who has never had to question his place in the world—only how to expand it. And I’m told this is the path to security. He had a home in the Palisades—had, because it burned down. But the system that built it still stands.

This is the contradiction I’m forced to hold. I want stability, yes. But I also want dignity. I want to create, to redistribute, to dream—without becoming the thing I oppose. I want to be of use to others without assuming I know what they need. And so, in this article, I turn away from the empire and toward the village—from franchised ambition to ancestral wisdom. I look to Indigenous Afrikan governance structures to imagine what entrepreneurship could mean if it wasn’t built on extraction, but on reciprocity.

The Kenyan ethic of harambee—“all pull together”—offers a sharp contrast to Western business ideals rooted in individualism and profit. Instead of celebrating competition and personal gain, harambee prioritizes collective responsibility and mutual aid. Success is measured not by wealth accumulation, but by how well a community thrives together. Applied to Western entrepreneurship, this philosophy challenges the myth of the self-made founder and urges a shift toward businesses that are relational, redistributive, and rooted in care.

06/02/2025 0 comments
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CommentaryOpinionPolitical Education

closed mouths don’t get fed

by Nicole Crawford 05/16/2025
written by Nicole Crawford

11 april 2025 – journal entry

i have found myself often reflecting on how we are out of practice in advocating for ourselves and our needs. we are taught to neglect our rights to survival and revolution, our rights to struggle and healing, our rights to change. in the eyes of the colonizer we are incapable of deciding for ourselves, with courage, that we are indeed worthy of liberation and further opening our mouths to protest our oppression.

i have been reflecting on the power of the tongue, and how our inability to speak with certainty, without shame, in naming the violations injected into our skin, our bodies and our minds, has made us incapable of struggle, incapable of being decent lovers, friends, and comrades. i do not believe that we have understood the gravity of practice in our attempts to speak into existence the structures that will replace this cursed world. we are unfamiliar with boundaries and standards and with the righteous anger that allows us to transmute grief and disdain into action.

we consider ourselves to be individuals in this plight, and we are left disconnected, unprepared for what is required of us. when i neglect to speak up for myself i am practicing a denial of your rights. as your lover, your friend and comrade, i am ill-equipped in requiring the world to soften before you. i am unwilling and unconsenting to changing your reality, to fighting for and with you.

i become unreliable, a co-conspirator against your peace and the possibility of our future generations demanding justice and dismantling the systems that have burned us all. when we neglect to speak up for ourselves, we prepare to see harm and justify our complicity. we are irresponsible and apathetic in the face of love and tragedy. we are positioned against collective healing.

our capacity to resist requires meaningful, grueling, and nauseating repetition.

we are tasked with identifying clearly where we have been wronged by empire, and one another, so that we are capable of vomiting up the guilt of having sinned and the shame of conviction that plagues the consciously oppressed.

closed mouths don’t get fed, nor can they recognize their transgressions, their aspirations. we are required to practice ripping ourselves from the belly of the beast, we must be uncomfortable and tired at times, resistant always. a nuisance always.

theory without practice is miseducation. we must practice seriously. we must purge out the insecurity of silence. this is the only way that we keep one another safe. i cannot trust myself if i cannot speak life into your wounds, if i refuse to condemn your oppressor, and admit when i too have conspired against the oppressed.

neglecting my tongue, i am useless in struggle.

05/16/2025 0 comments
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Black HistoryNewsPolitical EducationU.S.

A Politics of Performance

by Nadine Melanesia Black 05/16/2025
written by Nadine Melanesia Black

The Constitution promises to protect fundamental rights and liberties for all citizens within Amerikkka, however this has continuously failed for Afrikans in Amerikkka. There are endless false promises of freedom of speech, freedom to protest, and the freedom to just exist within a country we and our ancestors have been forced to assimilate into. The government, especially the branch in charge of interpreting the Constitution, is a tool to continue to protect the privileges that come alongside being a white citizen in the United States. Being white in Amerikkka, or at least being perceived as white, opens the door to a wide array of benefits within society. Through the government’s eyes, whiteness must be protected no matter what. Ruling against whiteness and instead for those who are supposed to be disadvantaged takes away power from those in charge.

In the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court decided to rule to uphold the constitutionality of racial segregation laws as long as they were “separate but equal” accommodations. This ruling is a prime example of how the Supreme Court has worked to uphold whiteness and keep it away from the grasps of those who are deemed “not worthy” of the advantages of being white. Even with separate “equal” accommodations, the fact that Afrikan people need to be separated from their white counterparts shows how precious it is to keep distinct separation between the two.

Another example is within United States v. Cruikshank, with the Court showing their favoritism for protecting whiteness by jumping through loopholes. The Court did not want white militiamen to go to jail for murdering Afrikans who were attempting to protest. The white men had done exactly what the government had wanted, wanting to shut up outspoken Afrikans who went against the status quo. The Supreme Court ruled that the 14th Amendment only applied to state action and not the action of private individuals, creating a way for those who murdered the Afrikans to get away with it. This was simply because these Afrikans protesting posed a huge threat to the typical social order of Amerikkka, therefore there was no reason to prosecute those individuals who committed this heinous crime.

Brandenburg v. Ohio continued to perpetuate hatred towards Afrikans by allowing a KKK leader to walk away from an Ohio court who had found him guilty of spewing hate speech. The Supreme Court ruled that his freedom of speech was violated by Ohio’s criminal syndicalism law since his speech did not incite a clear and present danger. It’s unfathomable to believe that speech from a KKK leader that calls for the removal of Afrikans from Amerikkka as if they were a parasite does not constitute speech that is a clear danger.

It is through the study of our legislative histories that we begin to undo the political amnesia that often gives us hope in surviving and reforming our political sphere. In reflections on these cases and many others, we are forced to begin challenging ourselves and the empire that suffocates us to radically change and therefore be destroyed.

05/16/2025 0 comments
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NewsPoetryPolitical Education

Reflections on Poetry and Resistance

by Samantha Talbot & Orisha Lamon 05/16/2025
written by Samantha Talbot & Orisha Lamon

Harlem – Langston Hughes

What happens to a dream deferred?

      Does it dry up
      like a raisin in the sun?
      Or fester like a sore—
      And then run?
      Does it stink like rotten meat?
      Or crust and sugar over—
      like a syrupy sweet?

      Maybe it just sags
      like a heavy load.

      Or does it explode?

Harlem by Langston Hughes is an extremely well-known poem, one often taught by English teachers during Black History Month to illustrate the resilience of Afrikans in Amerikkka in a way that is palatable to a non-Afrikan audience. Despite its simplicity, this poem has stuck with me throughout highschool and into college as one of my favorite poems. 

Hughes opens the poem with the poignant question, “What happens to a dream deferred?”, and though the answer is never explicitly stated, it is clear what he believes the answer to be. It does not “dry up,” “fester,” “stink,” “crust and sugar over,” “sag,” or any other images of decay that Hughes presents us with. These descriptions call back to plantation life, with the planting of sugar cane, the untreated wounds of the slaves, and the “heavy load” that slaves were forced to bear both physically and mentally. Organic matter may suffer from decay, just as our own bodies will eventually, but dreams are not bound by time and impermanent flesh. Dreams are carried throughout generations, written down, spoken aloud, and carried in the soul rather than the body. Thus, when Hughes ends his poem with the question, “Or does it explode?”, we know the answer.

The last line of Harlem is often dismissed as referring to riots. Though it is a valid interpretation, it can easily fall under the assumption that Afrikans are inherently violent. They will “explode” in anger and irrationality in the face of the perpetuated oppression they have dealt with. However, an explosion can be read in ways beyond acts of violence, such as “the rapid growth of a population and the breakdown of a misconception, as when someone or something “explodes” a cultural myth, fantasy, or deeply held assumption,” as is expressed by professor Scott Chanceller at the College of William & Mary. It can be an explosion of culture, arts, and expression like the Harlem Renaissance. It can be an explosion in that it reverberates across ethnic divides and impacts other marginalized communities. 

One of my favorite aspects of Harlem is that it is so much bigger than Harlem. There were references to the Great Migration in Harlem in the original drafts of the poem, but I believe they were omitted because Hughes realized the universality of his statement. Afrikans everywhere have experienced “a dream deferred,” and many currently have dreams that are being deferred. In America, it seems that all of the promises that this flawed country has purported to us have been deferred since the beginning of the Afrikan American population. But therein lies the beauty of Harlem, a message that has resonated and will continue to resonate with Afrikans and speak to their resilience. 

If We Must Die – Claude McKay

If we must die, let it not be like hogs

Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot,

While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs,

Making their mock at our accursed lot.

If we must die, O let us nobly die,

So that our precious blood may not be shed

In vain; Then even the monsters we defy

Shall be constrained to honor us though dead!

O kinsmen! We must meet the common foe!

Though far outnumbered let us show us brave,

And for their thousand blows deal one death-blow!

What though before us lies the open grave?

Like men we’ll face the murderous, cowardly pack,

Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!

Red Summer, 1919 was a time of bloodshed and white supremacist vigilante violence against Afrikan Americans across the United States. This era of anti-black (Afrikan) violence was scattered across the United States orchestrated by white hatred with the movement of Afrikan Americans across the Mid and Northeast United States looking for jobs within white dominated industries. As resentment rose, so did the self-victimization of whites as a rationalization for starting these terror attacks on working class and poor Black communities in their proximity. Structured as a Shakeperean sonnet, McKay’s words of resistance and militancy linger amongst the many movements for liberation. In facing suppression, besiegement, and death, the struggle against and defeating the common foe of subjugation is a struggle that is glorious and noble.  This poems’ popularity is not one that is historic and timelined. These words ring loud with the Afrikan people facing genocide in Congo and Sudan, those facing the blockades in Haiti, Cuba, and neocolonialism throughout the Carribean and Afrikan continent, within the walls of penitentiaries and militarization in the imperial core, with the people of Palestine, with Refaat Alareer’s, prose on death and life, we will remain to honor the struggles of those before us and continue to their struggle til we defeat the common foe. 

If I Must Die – Refaat Alareer

If I must die,

you must live

to tell my story

to sell my things

to buy a piece of cloth

and some strings,

(make it white with a long tail)

so that a child, somewhere in Gaza

while looking heaven in the eye

awaiting his dad who left in a blaze–

and bid no one farewell

not even to his flesh

not even to himself–

sees the kite, my kite you made, flying up above

and thinks for a moment an angel is there

bringing back love

If I must die

let it bring hope

let it be a tale

05/16/2025 0 comments
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Black HistoryNews

Solutions Set in Stone

by Xavier Adams 05/16/2025
written by Xavier Adams

In the present dialogue concerning the question of black progress, there are relentless demands for instant, final solutions: advocates who, in the moment of impassioned suffocation, cling onto any course of action professing to guide light on the dark path forward. At the heart of this plan lies solutions caught in the stone’s gaze of finality defined by its singular, definite, course of action to achieve progress. 

What grandiose solutions! But it must be asked: what significance can such solutions bring about? Undoubtedly there is much to lament about in the modern political arena, but–acknowledging that such an arena inevitably shapes our thoughts and actions without the futile attempt to rise above history–such politics calls for solutions that are grounded in the dynamic river of scientific knowledge: a river so tentative, calling for continually revisions accompanied with a multitude of perspectives as to evade the stone’s gaze of finality. Without endorsing a naive, outdated faith in an imagined linear progress of science–one only needs to recall the river’s rapids subordinating the black body–black progress depends upon a cultivation of scientific knowledge. 

Just as there is no singular, definitive, ultimate answer in scientific knowledge, there is consequently no singular, definitive, ultimate solution insofar as solutions to black plight depend on scientific knowledge. The stone’s gaze–disconnected from the river’s rapids and experience–will undoubtedly fail to achieve anything meaningful in the modern political arena. As science unfolds according to a process of historical shifts of continuities and discontinuities, so do answers to black progress. 

05/16/2025 0 comments
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  • Black Pain is in Fashion: Catharsis in Relation to Black Horror
    by Samantha Talbot
  • Violent Recollections: Memorializing Black Life
    by Orisha Lamon
  • I’m Him
    by Bahji Steele
  • What Happened to the Artist?
    by Hanae Noirbent
  • The Consumption of Humanity
    by Nicole Crawford

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